Kurdistan's Example Ignites Basra and Anbar’s Autonomy Drive

By Kamaran Aziz

ERBIL (Kurdistan24) — Amid growing political tensions and rising public frustration over corruption, poor services, and environmental crises, calls for regional autonomy in Iraq have resurfaced with new vigor.

In particular, Basra and Anbar provinces are demanding self-governance under the framework of Iraq’s federal constitution, citing the Kurdistan Region as a successful model of regional administration.

Basra’s Environmental Disaster and the Growing Call for Regional Autonomy

Basra, Iraq’s southern oil-rich province, has become a stark illustration of the devastating consequences of environmental mismanagement and governmental neglect. Despite producing nearly 70% of Iraq’s oil, Basra’s population endures rampant pollution, poor services, and an escalating health crisis. According to the Fikra Forum, an initiative of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, residents living near oil fields face alarmingly high rates of cancer, respiratory illnesses, and neurological disorders, exacerbated by the unregulated practice of gas flaring and unchecked toxic emissions. The tragic story of the late Ali Hussein Jalud, whose death from leukemia was linked to emissions from the Rumaila Field operated by BP and documented by the BBC, has come to symbolize the broader environmental catastrophe engulfing the province.

The environmental disaster in Basra extends beyond individual tragedies. As highlighted by Azhar Al-Rubaie in the Fikra Forum’s report, the city's air, water, and soil are increasingly contaminated by decades of unregulated oil extraction, leading to widespread health consequences and the mass displacement of residents. While locals such as Hussein Jalud have sought to raise international awareness—bringing Basra’s plight to climate conferences—domestic reforms remain stagnant. Despite repeated calls for establishing specialized treatment centers funded by Basra’s oil revenues and for stricter regulatory oversight of oil companies, these demands have largely fallen on deaf ears.

Compounding this crisis, endemic corruption and infrastructural decay continue to undermine any prospects for meaningful development. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index consistently places Iraq among the most corrupt nations globally, with Basra’s immense oil wealth often mismanaged and withheld from its own citizens. Against this backdrop of environmental devastation and political inertia, calls for regional autonomy have gained new urgency. Advocates argue that only through the establishment of a Basra Region, modeled on the successful federal framework seen in the Kurdistan Region, can the province reclaim control over its resources, implement robust environmental protections, and secure a dignified life for its long-suffering population.

Anbar’s Renewed Push for Regional Autonomy

In Iraq’s largest province by area, Anbar, the longstanding aspiration for self-rule has gained renewed momentum. Predominantly Sunni and historically marginalized, Anbar’s calls for autonomy first emerged in the aftermath of the 2003 U.S.-led invasion but have intensified in recent years amid changing political and economic dynamics. In 2021, then-Parliament Speaker Mohammed al-Halbousi notably remarked that Anbar was "transforming into a new Kurdistan" due to its impressive reconstruction efforts and newfound stability—a statement that galvanized local leaders and communities alike.

Recent reports by The Media Line and Amwaj Media indicate that Sunni leaders, including influential tribal figures such as Sheikh Thaer al-Bayati, are increasingly advocating for the establishment of a federal region. Conferences and strategic meetings have been convened to advance the proposal, though the path to self-rule remains fraught with challenges, notably opposition from Shiite-led central authorities and the complexities of Iraq’s deeply fragmented political landscape.

Nonetheless, Anbar’s advocates for federalism argue that regional autonomy is not merely a political aspiration but an economic and historical necessity. As Amwaj Media reports, significant segments of the province’s population view federalism as a vital mechanism for securing effective local governance and reducing dependence on Baghdad’s often dysfunctional administration. Political analyst Saad Al-Rubayei notes that Gulf Arab states, particularly the UAE, have quietly expressed support for Sunni autonomy initiatives, recognizing investment potential in Anbar’s energy and infrastructure sectors. In contrast, actors such as Iran and Russia approach these developments with caution, wary of shifting regional balances of power.

Despite formidable obstacles—including sectarian divisions, political fragmentation among Sunni forces, and skepticism from key international players—the call for establishing a self-governing Anbar Region continues to grow. For its proponents, regional autonomy offers the only sustainable pathway to stability, prosperity, and a political voice long denied under Iraq’s centralized system.

The Constitutional Framework: Article 119

The demands for autonomy are rooted in Iraq’s constitution, which explicitly allows for the creation of new regions. Article 119 of the Iraqi constitution clearly states that, “One or more governorates shall have the right to organize into a region based on a request to be voted on in a referendum submitted in one of the following two methods: First: A request by one-third of the council members of each governorate intending to form a region. Second: A request by one-tenth of the voters in each of the governorates intending to form a region.”

Despite this legal pathway, Baghdad’s centrist authorities have consistently obstructed efforts to form new regions, fearing a loss of political and economic control.

Analysts argue that political elites prioritize maintaining centralized power structures over allowing constitutional mechanisms to function fully.

Lessons from the Kurdistan Region

Observers frequently cite the Kurdistan Region as a model for what autonomous governance could achieve elsewhere in the country. The Kurdistan Region has demonstrated relative success in attracting foreign investment, ensuring internal security, and fostering economic growth.

According to Mina al-Qaisi’s analysis in The New Region, many Iraqi politicians now view federalism not as a threat but as a constitutional right and potential solution to Iraq’s chronic governance failures.

Nonetheless, opponents caution that replicating the Kurdistan Region’s model across Iraq is not straightforward. Iraq’s population and social fabric are far more complex, and ensuring national unity while implementing federalism would require careful planning and mutual guarantees regarding resource sharing and political stability.

Federalism: Misunderstood and Misrepresented

The Kurdistan Region stands as a vivid illustration of the potential benefits of federal governance, having successfully ensured a more dignified standard of living and infrastructural development for its citizens. This model has not gone unnoticed by political and academic specialists in provinces like Anbar, who frequently point to the Kurdistan Region as an example worth emulating across Iraq.

Nonetheless, significant misconceptions about federalism persist. Some political factions argue that establishing new regions would fragment Iraq, a notion many analysts dismiss as unfounded.

According to these observers, Iraq’s federal system, as enshrined in its constitution, is designed to strengthen governance rather than undermine national unity. However, the concept of federalism is often misunderstood—or deliberately misrepresented—by politicians seeking to protect entrenched interests. As a result, Iraq remains caught in a state of confusion over whether it truly aspires to centralized control or decentralized empowerment.

Academics and political analysts consistently stress that opposition to regionalization often stems from vested political and economic interests. Basra and Anbar, both resource-rich provinces, have witnessed repeated suppression of federalist demands from political elites wary of losing their influence.

Experts argue that a broad national educational effort is necessary to correct these misconceptions. They advocate for public lectures, seminars, and academic initiatives to explain federalism’s principles—emphasizing the division of powers between the central government and the provinces, and the ways in which federalism could enhance governance, equity, and national cohesion across Iraq’s diverse regions.

The Kurdish Precedent and Baghdad’s Recentralization Drive

The Kurdistan Region’s experience since 2005 remains a potent symbol for advocates of decentralization. According to a policy brief by the Wilson Center’s Mohammed A. Salih, although the Iraqi Constitution established a federal democratic state, Baghdad has steadily reversed decentralization, especially after the 2017 Kurdish independence referendum.

The Wilson Center report underscores that Shia political forces have increasingly centralized power, sidelining both Sunni and Kurdish actors and undermining the federal vision. Baghdad’s measures, from cutting Kurdish budget shares to asserting direct control over regional oil exports, exemplify this trend. As Salih notes, "What we are witnessing is a coup against the Constitution”—a sentiment echoed by many Sunni and Kurdish leaders.

Challenges to Regionalization: Political and Sectarian Roadblocks

Despite constitutional provisions, notably Article 119, which permits the formation of new federal regions via referendum, efforts from Basra and Anbar face stiff resistance. According to The New Region magazine, powerful Shia factions view regionalization as a threat to national unity and their political dominance. Judge Faiq Zaidan, head of Iraq’s judiciary, explicitly warned in February 2024 that the creation of new regions "threatens Iraq’s unity," despite constitutional guarantees.

Moreover, Iran’s influence looms large. Tehran’s strategy, as outlined by Salih’s Wilson Center report, aims to maintain a pliant Shia-controlled Iraq to safeguard regional interests, opposing any fragmentation that could weaken its leverage.

Federalism: A Solution or a New Dilemma?

While federalism presents an opportunity for localized governance and economic development, it also risks exacerbating sectarian and political divisions if mishandled. As The New Region highlights, proponents argue that decentralization could address Iraq’s developmental disparities and governance failures more effectively than continued centralization.

However, skeptics warn that timing and intent are critical. Some politicians may exploit federalist rhetoric for electoral gain rather than genuine reform. Others fear that poorly managed regionalization could ignite new cycles of division and instability.

Ultimately, the debate over federalism reflects Iraq’s broader struggle to balance national unity with regional rights, political ambition with constitutional law, and immediate needs with long-term state-building. Whether Basra and Anbar can successfully navigate these complexities will have profound implications for Iraq’s future.

From Baghdad, Mohammed al-Dulaimi, reporting for Kurdistan24, contributed to this report.

Updated: April 29, 2025 at 03:41 PM.