Could Syria Be Unraveling? Minorities Resist Central Rule Amid Growing Tensions

ERBIL (Kurdistan 24) – According to a comprehensive report by The Washington Post, the Trump administration’s Syria envoy, Thomas Barrack, has signaled a shift in position following recent bloodshed in the Druze-majority city of Sweida. Once a staunch supporter of President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s centralized vision, Barrack acknowledged that Syria might now need to consider alternatives to a highly centralized state.

“Not a federation but something short of that, in which you allow everybody to keep their own integrity, their own culture, their own language, and no threat of Islamism,” Barrack told reporters last month. “I think everyone is saying we need to figure out a way to be more reasonable,” he said. This marks a notable adjustment in tone, appearing to lean closer toward positions long advocated by the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), who have called for a decentralized state.

The Washington Post report, titled “Could Syria unravel? Fearful minorities resist new leader’s bid for control”, described how a “wall of fear” has risen around Arnah, a scenic Druze town in the foothills of Mount Hermon. Residents told the newspaper they fear leaving the town due to the risk of violence or discrimination targeting their religious minority. They are equally hesitant to admit outsiders, with the nearest government troops positioned at a checkpoint in the neighboring town.

In Arnah and other areas home to minorities, the Sunni Islamist-led government of President al-Sharaa is increasingly viewed as a threat. This marks a perilous turn for the new leadership, which came to power late last year after ousting Bashar al-Assad and pledging to unify Syria. Instead, fractures are deepening across the country.

According to the report, communities in the Druze mountains of the south and west, in the Alawite coastal strongholds, and in the Kurdish regions of the northeast are voicing calls for autonomy, decentralization, or simply being left alone. Even residents who still cherish their Syrian identity are anxious about the future. Some community leaders have begun pressing openly for independence.

“For months after Assad’s dramatic fall, there was a lot of hope in the new Syria,” said Nabih Kaboul, a Druze resident of Arnah. “Unfortunately, this period is worse than the one we were in.”

The paper reported that President al-Sharaa remains determined to consolidate authority under a strong centralized government in Damascus, similar to Syria’s structure prior to its civil war. He promotes a vision centered on “development, construction, and the unity of Syrian lands,” a message that still resonates with many Syrians and is supported by Gulf states pledging financial aid.

During Syria’s transition, officials argued for a “strong centralized structure that would allow them to make decisions quickly,” according to Haid Haid, a fellow at Chatham House. Yet, he warned, recurring violence is overtaking these plans: “Every week, things are becoming more alarming rather than better.”

The Washington Post detailed how mistrust is growing between minorities and government forces, worsened by repeated violence. The government has often blamed unrest on Assad loyalists or foreign powers, particularly Israel, citing its military interventions and outreach to Druze communities.

“The fear is from both sides,” said Diaa Kheirbeik, a mayor in the coastal city of Jableh, where Alawite residents remain shaken by a massacre of relatives and neighbors in March, allegedly by government forces or allied fighters.

Last month, Sweida witnessed devastating bloodshed, with more than 1,000 killed, including Druze civilians executed or mutilated by fighters linked to the state. Weeks later, Sweida remains isolated, its entrances sealed by government troops, with residents struggling for food and water. Demonstrations continue, with protesters even calling for self-determination and protection from Israel, which carried out strikes against Syrian troops during the unrest.

In response, al-Sharaa publicly dismissed any notion of partition, saying, “There are desires among some people to divide Syria and try to create local cantons internally, but logically, politically and rationally, this is impossible.” He condemned Israeli interventions in Sweida as attempts to “weaken the state,” but admitted government forces committed abuses, promising accountability.

Since taking office in December after spearheading the rebellion that toppled Assad, al-Sharaa has struggled to convince minorities of his sincerity in pledging protection. His past as a former al-Qaeda commander, and atrocities committed by extremist fighters under his banner, continue to undermine his credibility.

The Post reported that while al-Sharaa has made strides in attracting foreign investment and easing sanctions, analysts argue Syria’s deepest problems remain political. Haid Haid emphasized that reliance on military force to consolidate control “is not working.” Instead, he called for a national dialogue among Syria’s diverse communities, warning that “things will most likely continue to get worse.”

Perhaps the most destabilizing fault line, the article noted, is the tense relationship between Damascus and the Kurdish-led SDF. Despite a March agreement stipulating the integration of civil and military institutions into the Syrian state, disagreements over autonomy have stalled implementation.

Violence persists between the SDF and Turkish-backed militias, with Ankara labeling the SDF an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Further heightening tensions, an SDF-organized conference in Hasakah this month called for decentralization, sparking outrage in Damascus. Syria’s foreign minister dismissed the gathering as unrepresentative, accusing participants of “exploiting the events in Sweida.”

The Washington Post also highlighted atrocities in Syria’s Alawite coastal region, long associated with the Assad regime. In March, at least 1,400 people were killed in sectarian massacres, with more than 200 government soldiers among the dead. Civilians were targeted based on sect, reportedly gunned down after being asked if they were Alawite.

Local leaders say faith in the government’s ability to deliver justice is waning. Kheirbeik, mayor of Hay al-Rumeili, lost more than 55 neighbors in the unrest. His businesses were destroyed, yet he continues mediating between security forces and residents. Still, he laments the government’s refusal to station local forces at checkpoints, preferring outsiders from Idlib.

“A division of Syria will not solve our problems,” Kheirbeik told the Post. “We need the wheat of Hasakah. They need the fish of the coast. We need each other.”

In Arnah, Druze residents stressed their enduring ties to Syria. “We are all Syrian. We are all here together,” said Reem Abu Qais, a student, rejecting claims that Druze seek to divide the country as “misinformation.”

Others voiced unease about Israel’s role, noting its portrayal of itself as protector of Syria’s Druze. Residents told the Post they resent being labeled traitors, recalling an Israeli military spokesman’s video from an outpost near Arnah. “The Israelis do not ask our permission before they come here,” one resident remarked.

Yet suspicions of al-Sharaa’s government remain high, especially after Sweida’s massacres, where government forces and tribal fighters participated in executions, mutilations, and house burnings. Residents also complained of harassment at checkpoints and discrimination in universities and hospitals.

“We are anxious,” said Hussein Massoud, another resident, “and worried about the future.”

The Washington Post report concludes that Syria stands at a crossroads, its minorities increasingly alienated and its leadership struggling to maintain credibility. The mounting grievances of Druze, Alawites, Kurds, and others reveal cracks in al-Sharaa’s vision of centralized rule.