Anti-ISIS Coalition affirms commitment to fight terrorist group in Iraq, Syria, amid rising attacks there and in Africa

WASHINGTON DC (Kurdistan 24) - Foreign Ministers of the core members of the US-led Coalition against ISIS (known as the “Small Group”) met virtually on Tuesday. They affirmed their commitment to the continued fight against the terrorist group in Iraq and Syria, even as they also explained that ISIS’s attacks are increasing in both countries, and elsewhere as well.

The Growing ISIS Threat in Africa

The Ministers cited the increasing danger ISIS affiliates pose in another region: Africa. They noted, according to the communique issued after the meeting, their “concern” about “the serious and growing threat Daesh/ISIS affiliates pose across West Africa and the Sahel, as well as the emerging threat in other parts of the continent, particularly in East Africa.”

As John Godfrey, the US Acting Special Envoy for the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, told reporters on Monday, “Since the defeat of ISIS’s fraudulent territorial caliphate in 2019, ISIS has intensified its focus on the activities of its branches and networks,” before citing the assault of an ISIS affiliate in northern Mozambique.

In the previous week, that affiliate carried out a large, horrific assault against the coastal town of Palma, where the French energy giant, Total, is developing a major—$60 billion dollar—gas field project.

The siege of Palma lasted three days—from Wednesday to Sunday. The brutal attack caused Palma’s residents to flee, with 5,000 people displaced and dozens killed, while Total halted its work and its facility was evacuated.

Known as al-Shabaab (the Youth), the ISIS-affiliate has no known connection to the Somali group by the same name. However, it is supported by ISIS, operating from its core territory in Iraq and Syria.

The Persistent ISIS Threat in Iraq and Syria

“The Ministers acknowledged” in Tuesday’s meeting “that while Daesh/ISIS no longer controls territory and nearly eight million people have been freed from its control in Iraq and Syria, the threat remains.” In particular, their communique noted “the increased Daesh/ISIS activity in Iraq and Syria in recent months, including the double suicide attacks in Baghdad on January 21.”

They called for “continued and coordinated action,” including the allocation of “adequate military and civilian resources to sustain Coalition and legitimate partner forces’ efforts against Daesh/ISIS in Iraq and Syria, including stabilization support to liberated areas to safeguard Iraq and Syria’s stability.”

Reconstruction after ISIS’s brutal and destructive conquest has been painfully slow in Iraq. Security is poor in Sinjar (Shingal), which remains dominated by Shi’ite militias, as well as the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party), with which they are allied. An agreement was reached last fall between Baghdad and Erbil to restore government authority in Sinjar. However, it has not been implemented, because of resistance from the Iranian-backed militias and the PKK.

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Until security is re-established in Sinjar, there can be no real reconstruction, and those who were displaced cannot return to their homes.

Other areas have similar problems, due to the weakness, incompetence, and sectarianism of previous Iraqi governments. Only now is Baghdad turning to the reconstruction of the northern, predominantly Sunni, city of Mosul, which once served as the Iraqi capital of ISIS’s so-called caliphate.

On Tuesday—just a day ago—Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Khadhimi announced the formation of a supreme committee to oversee the reconstruction of Mosul. It was the trip of Pope Francis to Iraq last month and specifically his March 7 visit to Mosul that prompted the move.

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By holding a memorial service for ISIS’s victims in Mosul’s Church Square—amid the rubble of four ruined churches in the old city—the Pope did what no other individual, group, or government had managed to do before: highlight the city’s still-devastated condition—more than three years after its liberation from ISIS—and the difficult circumstances of the Christian community there.

Syrian Regime and Russian Ally-Fail to Tackle ISIS

Another problem in the war against ISIS is the failure of the Syrian regime and its Russian ally to fight the terrorist organization with sufficient vigor.

The Ministers’ communique included a section specifically addressing the situation in Syria. It began with the affirmation, “The Coalition stands with the Syrian people in support of a lasting political settlement in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 2254.” In addition, “The Coalition must continue to be vigilant against the threat of terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations.”

it added, however, that ISIS’s activities had resumed “in areas where the coalition is not active”—i.e. territory controlled by Damascus, backed by its ally in Moscow. It expressed their concern about ISIS’s growing ability in that territory “to rebuild its networks and capabilities to target security forces and civilians.”

Godfrey was a bit more blunt with journalists the day before. Asked about the issue, he responded, “We would share the assessment that the areas that are under the control of the Syrian regime and Russia have shown that the extent of that control is not as great as those parties represent it to be, and, frankly, are somewhat problematic.”

US-Iraq Strategic Dialogue

Iraq recently asked the US to hold another session of the Strategic Dialogue, which was begun under the Trump administration. Washington readily agreed. It will be held on April 7.

The US intent in that diplomacy is to normalize its relations with Iraq, so they resemble its ties to other Middle Eastern allies, like Egypt or Jordan.

However, persistent Iraqi reports have suggested that Baghdad intends to ask for the departure of US forces, even as no US official has formally confirmed that. Rather, they have indicated the opposite.

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So it is difficult to understand just what is going on. Is Kadhimi’s government under such pressure from Iran and its Iraqi proxies that it feels it necessary to make the request? If so, would Baghdad really mean it? Or would the request be made, but largely for show? Or, maybe, Baghdad would prefer that US forces be placed under a NATO command? After all, the entire Afghan war has been fought as a NATO effort.

Whatever the case, the answer should soon become clear enough with next week’s session of the US-Iraqi dialogue.

Editing by John J. Catherine