Former US Diplomat: No Government in Iraq Can Be Formed Without the Kurds
Former US diplomat Peter Galbraith states no Iraqi government can be formed without Kurdish participation, endorsing President Barzani's constitutional demands. He notes the KDP's electoral weight is mathematically crucial.
ERBIL (Kurdistan24) – Former U.S. diplomat Peter Galbraith delivered a sharp statement on Sunday, saying that “no government in Iraq can be formed without the Kurds,” as he voiced full support for President Masoud Barzani’s constitutional conditions for the formation of Iraq’s next federal government. Galbraith emphasized that Kurdistan’s role is mathematically indispensable and politically decisive in any coalition-building effort in Baghdad.
In an interview with Kurdistan24 on Sunday, Galbraith began by underscoring the depth of U.S.–Kurdistan relations. “Americans see Kurdistan as a close ally,” he said, noting that the partnership dates back to 1991, when the U.S. established the safe zone. He recalled Kurdistan’s key role in the war against ISIS in 2014 when the Iraqi army collapsed, and the continuing U.S. military and diplomatic presence in the Region. “All of these are signs of an ally,” he added.
Galbraith stressed that Kurdistan remains “a close partner and friend to the United States,” calling it the most pro-American place in the Middle East, describing the Region as a rare enclave of stability in a chaotic geopolitical environment.
Clarifying that he was speaking in his personal capacity as a former diplomat, not on behalf of the U.S. government, Galbraith said that what the United States should want is the formation of a stable Iraqi government based on clear constitutional implementation. He noted that President Masoud Barzani’s recent speech correctly identified the necessary conditions for this process, including the establishment of the constitutionally required second legislative chamber, the creation of a real Supreme Court under Article 92, and the overdue implementation of Article 140 concerning the disputed territories.
Galbraith observed that Iraq is “18 years late” on the Article 140 referendum and “20 years late” on both the Federal Council and a constitutionally established Supreme Court. He argued that Kurdish participation in government hinges on Baghdad agreeing to President Barzani’s conditions publicly and formally. Without this commitment, he said, it would be “very difficult for Kurdistan to be part of the government—and therefore there won’t be a government.”
Addressing the broader political landscape, Galbraith stated plainly: “If you don’t have the Kurdish parties participate, there will not be another government.” He noted that the KDP received the largest number of votes of any Iraqi political party in the most recent election, and that forming a government without Kurdistan—particularly without the KDP—is mathematically unworkable. He stressed that Barzani’s conditions are not about political advantage but about Iraq’s stability, which requires strict adherence to the constitution.
On U.S. policy toward militias, Galbraith said that Washington wants to “eliminate these militias, particularly the pro-Iranian militias,” describing this as beneficial for Iraq’s stability. However, he emphasized that the United States does not decide who forms the Iraqi government. “The people who get to decide the government of Iraq are the political parties in Iraq, not the Americans,” he said.
Asked about future U.S. assistance, Galbraith expressed uncertainty, noting that President Donald Trump has eliminated all U.S. foreign assistance programs. He described the move as “a catastrophic, arrogant, stupid act,” saying that such cuts contradict U.S. law and leave Washington unable to provide meaningful aid.
Galbraith’s remarks align with recent statements by U.S. Special Envoy to Iraq Mark Savaya, who has called for the strengthening of Iraqi state institutions, removal of weapons from politics, and the reinforcement of constitutional governance. Savaya warned that Iraq stands at a “historic crossroads” and must choose between institutional order and continued instability shaped by armed influence.
Within this broader international context, Galbraith’s endorsement of President Barzani’s conditions underscores the pivotal role of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq’s political architecture. As government formation talks continue, his comments reaffirm that constitutional implementation is central not only to Kurdish demands but also to the expectations of Iraq’s key international partners.
Whether Baghdad will meet these conditions—and whether Iraq will move toward a constitutional and inclusive framework—remains the defining question of the coming weeks.
