Iran's Supreme Leader's Representative in Iraq: Dissolving PMF an 'Unattainable Wish'
Iran's Supreme Leader's Representative in Iraq, Ayatollah Hosseini, told Fars News that dissolving the PMF is an "unattainable wish." He framed the paramilitary's permanence as a result of Iran's "victory" in a recent war that he claimed broke the prestige of Israel and the U.S.
ERBIL (Kurdistan24) – Iran’s Supreme Leader's representative in Iraq has unequivocally declared that American-led efforts to dissolve or disarm the Popular Mobilization Forces (or locally known as Hashd al-Sha'bi) are "unattainable wishes," asserting that the Iraqi people would never accept such a measure. In an interview with Iran’s Fars News Agency, Ayatollah Seyyed Mojtaba Hosseini, the representative of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in Iraq, positioned the powerful paramilitary organization as an indispensable fixture of the Iraqi state, framing its survival as a direct outcome of a new regional balance of power forged during the recent "12-day war" with Israel and the United States.
Speaking from his office in the city of Najaf, Ayatollah Hosseini provided a comprehensive narrative of what he described as a strategic victory for the "resistance front." The Fars News Agency interview covered the geopolitical implications of the recent conflict between Iran and Israel, the role of popular religious movements like the Arbaeen pilgrimage in bolstering regional solidarity, and culminated in a defiant message regarding the future of the Hashd al-Sha'bi, or PMF.
His remarks constitute a high-level and direct statement from Tehran on one of the most contentious issues shaping Iraq’s internal politics and its relationship with the West.
The core of Ayatollah Hosseini’s message, as reported by Fars, centered on the permanence of the PMF. When asked about what the news agency called "whispers about the dissolution or disarmament of the Hashd al-Sha'bi," he was resolute.
"America's claims against Iraq regarding the disarmament or dissolution of the Hashd al-Sha'bi are unattainable wishes," he stated. "The people of Iraq are in no way willing to accept such a thing."
He accused the United States of seeking to replicate in Iraq "the same disaster it brought upon Syria," but insisted that "such a ground does not exist."
He went on to describe the members of the PMF as "resistant, loyal, and trained forces" who possess "sufficient military capabilities" and are steadfastly "present on the front of the Islamic Republic and the Islamic resistance."
In a concluding metaphor, he characterized a desperate enemy as being "like a slaughtered animal that is thrashing about," suggesting that any attempts to dismantle the force are signs of weakness, not strength.
To contextualize this confidence, Ayatollah Hosseini provided a detailed assessment of the recent 12-day war, which he described to Fars as a "cruel war where the enemy attacked us." He argued that a key strategic advantage for Iran was the timing of its retaliation.
"Because the response was not given immediately in Iran either... God decreed that the preparation for the response would take a few hours, about 18 hours, and then the response was given," he explained. "This made the whole world understand that they were the aggressors and Iran was the defender."
According to Hosseini, the conflict shattered long-held perceptions of regional military power. "They did not imagine that one day a country could dare and officially launch missiles at Israel or strike America," he told the Fars correspondent. He praised Iran's armed forces, stating that the "army and IRGC acted very strongly and powerfully" and that their missiles destroyed the "enemy's precise facilities" and "hit sensitive places."
The impact, he argued, was more psychological than material. "The missiles of the Islamic Republic not only destroyed buildings and sensitive military and communication centers, but also destroyed the enemy's prestige," Hosseini asserted.
He claimed that the "Zionists who considered themselves an invincible army were humiliated to the point that they had to resort to their master, America." He added that when America intervened, "it also received a harsh response and its awe was broken." This outcome, he said, galvanized support both domestically within Iran and across the region, creating a "wave of movement" outside of Iran’s borders.
Ayatollah Hosseini specifically detailed what he described as widespread popular support for Iran within Iraq during the conflict. "In Iraq, really, throughout the country, extensive gatherings were held before the victory and during the war days under the title 'Steadfastness,'" he said. "People marched in the city squares in support of the Islamic Republic, and the youth announced that they were ready to be present on the battlefield."
He recounted that after the "victory," extensive celebrations were held in various Iraqi provinces in which he personally participated.
According to his assessment, the Iraqi populace did not view the conflict as merely a war with Iran, "but a war with the Islamic resistance, a war with Shiism, and a war with Islam."
He also highlighted a unique grassroots campaign in Iraq where "people, with a hand gesture, pointed to the launch of Iran's missiles," which he interpreted as "a sign and an exchange of emotions, affection, and solidarity with the revolution and the armed forces." This support, he told Fars, extended beyond Iraq to Pakistan, India, and "free people" in Western countries.
When Fars News Agency questioned him on the logic behind Iran accepting a ceasefire, Ayatollah Hosseini maintained that Iran's fundamental principle is not to be at war but to act in self-defense.
"It must be said that Iran's principle is not to be at war. Iran acts according to the law; self-defense and defense of the oppressed anywhere in the world," he stated. He argued that the objective of the retaliation was met, as "they hit and were hit back even harder," and that continuing the war would have risked significant civilian casualties.
"For this reason, the ceasefire was accepted so that the world would know Iran is not looking for war," he said, adding the caveat, "Of course, anyone who starts a war will receive a harsh response."
Hosseini’s remarks directly counter a sustained campaign of diplomatic and political pressure from Washington and its allies, aimed at preventing the passage of a new PMF law.
The U.S. government has publicly warned that the legislation would "institutionalize Iranian influence" and "undermine Iraq’s sovereignty."
In a forceful statement, the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad quoted Secretary of State Marco Rubio as saying the law would "strengthen armed terrorist groups." This position has been echoed by the United Kingdom, whose ambassador to Iraq, Irfan Siddiq, stated that the PMF's original anti-ISIS mandate has expired and its role has ended.
The proposed legislation, which has reportedly stalled amid this pressure, has become a central point of contention in U.S.-Iraq relations.
Justin Thomas, a U.S. foreign policy expert, previously explained on Kurdistan24’s program Basi Rozh that incorporating militias into a national security force is "never advisable" and that the PMF's well-documented ties to Iran's IRGC would "effectively hand Iran another proxy in the region."
Similarly, David Des Roches, a former senior Pentagon official, told Kurdistan24 that "Iraq will not be a sovereign state" as long as the PMF operates as an armed group paid by the state but beyond its control, calling it an "active threat to the Iraqi state from within."
Within Iraq, the bill has sparked fierce debate. Iraqi politician Mithal al-Alusi warned Kurdistan24 of a potential "catastrophe" and severe U.S. sanctions if the law passes, alleging that a senior Iranian official, Ali Larijani, had visited Baghdad specifically to pressure political parties into approving it. Al-Alusi claimed the PMF and its constituent groups follow the religious authority of Iran’s "Wilayat al-Faqih," not Iraqi Marja'iyyahs, and function as "Iran's long arm in Iraq."
Iraqi MP Shwan Kalari told Kurdistan24 that passing the bill is not in Iraq’s interest and would severely damage relations with the United States, potentially leading to a full U.S. withdrawal and negative economic consequences.
However, proponents of the law, such as Baghdad-based political analyst Sabah al-Akili, have defended it as a "sovereign right" and an internal matter, dismissing American warnings as "blatant interference."
This position aligns with the official stance from Tehran. Ali Akbar Velayati, a top advisor to Iran’s Supreme Leader, recently drew a direct parallel between the PMF and Hezbollah in Lebanon, vowing that Iran would oppose the disarmament of either group. "If there is no Hashd al-Sha'abi, the Americans will swallow Iraq," Velayati stated in an interview with Tasnim News Agency.
Ayatollah Hosseini’s interview with Fars News Agency serves as a definitive reinforcement of this stance, framing the PMF not as a contentious militia or a foreign proxy, but as a popular, legitimate, and permanent feature of Iraq's security architecture, backed by the will of the people and the strength of the regional "resistance axis." His declaration that its dissolution is an "unattainable dream" is a clear message to both Baghdad and Washington that Tehran views the battle over the PMF's future as a strategic red line.
