Afrini judge to Kurdistan 24: Judicial Transfers are a tool to push judges to resign and exclude Kurds.

ERBIL (Kurdistan 24) – In an exclusive interview with Kurdistan 24, a source closely tied to the Afrin Judicial Complex, who requested anonymity due to fears for his safety, voiced grave concerns over the sweeping transfers imposed by Syria’s Ministry of Justice.

The judge described the August reshuffle—which reassigned nearly all Kurdish staff from Afrin to Aleppo and replaced them with Arab appointees—as “a disguised push to force Kurdish judges into resignation and strip them of authority.”

“Those outside Afrin may not know the details, but we live them every day,” the judge told Kurdistan 24. “Our only mission in the judiciary was to secure the rights of our people. That was our only capital.”

He recalled years of pressure, threats, and defamation campaigns prior to the regime’s collapse, yet said Kurdish judges continued their work: “We hoped the fall of the regime and the end of militias would bring a new system for Afrin. There were positive steps when Kurds such as Massoud Batal were appointed, but we were soon disappointed when we realized they spoke our language yet did not share our vision.”

Media “propaganda” masks deeper problems

The judge accused authorities of promoting selective narratives to calm public opinion. “There is propaganda in Afrin. Positive stories are published only to ease tensions,” he said.

According to him, unresolved issues—such as property seizures, extortion of Kurdish residents, and confiscated public lands including Afrin’s stadium area—have been buried due to lack of coverage. “They say homes are being returned, but in reality, the problem has not been solved in full. Many important cases remain hidden,” he said.

Commenting on the Ministry of Justice’s decree, the judge said the new structure was effectively designed to push Kurdish judges out. “Some were sent to Arab-majority regions where racism is rampant, making it impossible for them to continue. Others had their ranks downgraded after long years of service,” he said.

He cited examples:

-Judge Mohammad Abdulrahman Abdulqader, formerly Afrin’s first investigative judge, was demoted to deputy prosecutor.

-Judge Nerwoz Bakr Hisso, once Afrin’s chief prosecutor, was reassigned to the lowest-ranking civil conciliation court.

“These are positions for beginner judges, not experienced ones,” he stressed. “Judge Abdulrahman should have been promoted to a higher court, not downgraded. This is a humiliation.”

He added that some of those newly appointed “are known for corruption and were expelled more than once by the Turks, yet they are now returned to Afrin.”

Role of Kurdish judges in property restitution

When asked whether Kurdish judges played a role in restoring confiscated homes, the source was clear: “Yes, the judiciary had a major role. Often the Committee for Restitution of Rights and the Economic Committee could not resolve cases, so it was us, the judges, who returned houses and land to their rightful owners.”

He explained that many sales and rental agreements were informal, making it difficult to prove ownership. “If the judge knew the property belonged to a Kurd, it was returned. But imagine if a judge comes who does not care—he will demand documents that do not exist, delay the process, and in effect deny justice. That is already happening.”

When asked if newly appointed staff were connected to factions such as the Sultan Murad Division (al-Amshat) or al-Hamzat, the judge said: “We had no direct visibility over the factions. But if there is no direct link, it is likely that appointments were made with their approval.”

The judge argued that the transfers contradict the Syrian administration’s newly announced constitution. “Despite its flaws, the constitution promised rights for minorities and criminalized discrimination. This decision violates that principle,” he said.

He revealed that Afrin judges intend to file an official objection after Sept. 16, once the judicial holiday period ends. “We will object on several grounds,” he said. “First, Afrin’s chief justice must be from Afrin. Second, at least 60 to 70 percent of court staff should be local, Arab or Kurd. And if the decision is truly professional, why were none of us sent to lead courts elsewhere, when many of our judges are qualified?”

In his closing message, the judge appealed to both local and international audiences:

“Afrin must belong to the people of Afrin. We are not against other communities, but it is our right to have Afrini judges, Afrini police, Afrini council leaders, and Afrini directors. Rights must be restored to us. These decisions clearly carry political and ideological motives.”

He further disclosed that all Kurdish judges were excluded from prior consultations. “Every judge was contacted before the transfers except those from Afrin. We were shocked by the decree, which proves they do not care about us Kurds,” he said.

According to him, the appointments disregarded seniority and competence. “They were made purely through connections. Ironically, even Turkey once evaluated Afrin’s Kurdish judges as more professional. That alone is a catastrophe for the judiciary.”

He also answered some questions, including:

Are those newly appointed to Afrin’s judicial complex Arab settlers from Afrin or from other regions?

A large number of them have been living in Afrin, and many paid bribes to secure their appointments here. In contrast, Kurdish judges from Afrin were sent elsewhere. Even under the Baathist regime, Afrin’s judicial complex had many Kurdish judges known for their integrity.

On the issue of Arabization and demographic change—does this decision have a negative impact? And did Kurdish judges play a role in returning confiscated homes to their owners?

Yes, the judiciary had a major impact. Often, due to the complexity of the cases, the Restitution Committee and the Economic Committee were unable to resolve them, and it was us, the judges, who returned houses and lands to their rightful Kurdish owners.

Because of the circumstances, many property sales, purchases, or rental contracts were informal. If a Kurdish judge knew the property belonged to a Kurd, it could be returned. But imagine when a judge comes who does not care, or even supports the settlers—he will demand documents that do not exist, creating impossible conditions and long delays.

What I am describing has already happened. Publicly, they claim rights are being restored, but the reality is entirely different. As we understand, the Economic Committee and the Restitution Committee are officially responsible for returning homes and lands. Can you clarify the role of the judiciary?

There are two tracks in Afrin. The first is the Economic and Restitution Committees, and the second is the judiciary. The judicial track remains the last resort for citizens seeking their rights.

If that line is closed, it is a legal disaster. Even the smallest human rights official would say so. Officially, it is not closed, but in practice many obstacles have been placed in its way.

Were homes actually returned to their owners through the judiciary in the past eight months?

Yes, and in significant numbers. Many homes were restored through court rulings. I cannot provide an exact ratio compared with the committees, but I can say that a large number of cases were resolved through the courts.

Is there a link between those newly appointed to the court and the factions such as the Sultan Murad Division (al-Amshat) or al-Hamzat?

I cannot say there is a direct personal link, as we in the judiciary had no visibility over the factions. But if there is no direct connection, I believe appointments were made with their approval.

Does this decision contradict the new Syrian constitution, which prohibits discrimination?

Yes. Despite its flaws, the new constitution included a clause guaranteeing minority rights and criminalizing discrimination. This decision clearly violates that commitment.

Have any complaints or objections been filed against this decision?

Not yet. From Sept. 1 to Sept. 15 is the judicial holiday period, so nothing has been filed. After Sept. 16, we will submit our objections.

Our demands are clear: first, the head of Afrin’s judiciary must be from Afrin. Second, at least 60 to 70 percent of court staff should be from Afrin—whether Arab or Kurd.

If this decision were professional, they would have assigned Afrin judges to lead courts elsewhere, since many of us are highly qualified. But instead, none were chosen.

When asked whether Kurdish lawyers or judges had been contacted to oversee the Syrian Parliamentary elections?

He said “Even in the so-called People's Assembly elections, the subcommittee for monitoring and supervising the elections in the city of Afrin chose lawyer Hassan Al-Wais, who has been in Afrin since 2018 and is from the Damascus countryside.”

When asked whether Kurdish lawyers or judges had been contacted to oversee the Syrian Parliamentary elections?

He said Even in the so-called People's Assembly elections, the subcommittee for monitoring and supervising the elections in the city of Afrin chose lawyer Hassan Al-Wais, who has been in Afrin since 2018 and is from the Damascus countryside.

Finally, what is your message to the local and international community?

Afrin must belong to the people of Afrin. We are not against other communities, but it is our right to have Afrini leaders: our council head, our military police, our senior judges, and our directors. Our rights must be restored.

We call for a reconsideration of these decisions, which clearly carry political and ideological motives.

I must also stress that when preparations for the transfers were underway, all judges were contacted for feedback—except those from Afrin, who were blindsided by the decree. This proves they do not care about us Kurds.

Appointments ignored seniority and competence; they were based purely on personal connections. Ironically, even Turkey previously evaluated Afrin’s Kurdish judges more positively. That, in itself, is a catastrophe for Afrin’s judicial system.