‘Systematically Reduced’: Expert Warns Kurdish Presence in Iraqi Army Now Less Than 1 Percent

ERBIL (Kurdistan24) - In a stark and damning assessment of the state of Iraq's national military, a prominent Kurdish security and military expert has declared that the percentage of Kurds within the ranks of the Iraqi army has been "systematically reduced" to less than one percent, a dramatic and deliberate marginalization that stands in direct violation of the country's constitution and undermines the very foundation of a truly national and inclusive defense force. 

Abdulkhaliq Talat, speaking to Kurdistan24 on Friday, argued that this planned reduction is part of a broader, politically motivated effort to sideline both Kurds and Sunnis from the country's security institutions, a process that has transformed what was once a "solid military force" under Kurdish leadership into a deeply sectarian and militia-infiltrated entity.

As Kurdish political parties campaign for the upcoming Iraqi parliamentary elections, his powerful critique serves as an urgent call for a unified and insistent Kurdish voice in Baghdad to demand the restoration of their rightful and constitutional place within the nation's armed forces.

"Since the formation of the Iraqi army in 1921, Kurds have had a major role in the creation of this army; the majority of its senior officers were Kurds," Talat began, providing a crucial historical context that underscores the depth of the current crisis. The Kurdish people, he argued, have been an integral part of the Iraqi military from its very inception, a history that has been systematically erased in the post-2003 era.

According to the Iraqi constitution, the national army must be composed of all of the country's diverse components, reflecting the federal and pluralistic nature of the state. However, as Talat detailed, the reality on the ground is a stark and flagrant violation of this constitutional principle.

"The percentage of Kurds in the Iraqi army is less than 1 percent, and the percentage of Sunnis is also less than 10 percent," he revealed. This dramatic underrepresentation, he insisted, is not an accident of history but the result of a deliberate and calculated policy. "This was planned to reduce the percentage of Kurds in the Iraqi army," he stated.

He then explained the mechanism through which this systematic reduction was achieved.

"In place of every retired Kurd from the security and military institutions, they would appoint one of their own people in his place," he said, describing a process of sectarian replacement that has, over time, hollowed out the Kurdish presence in the officer corps and the enlisted ranks.

This transformation, he argued, has been to the detriment of the army's overall effectiveness and national character.

He pointed to the era when a Kurd, General Babakir Zebari, served as the Chief of Staff of the Iraqi Army as a golden age of professionalism and national unity.

"Both Shiites and Sunnis testify that the Iraqi army at that time was a solid army when General Babakir Zebari was the Chief of Staff of Iraq," Talat stated. "Unfortunately, he too was removed according to a plan."

General Zebari's tenure, which was widely respected for its professionalism and its efforts to build a truly national and non-sectarian military, is now held up as a poignant symbol of a lost opportunity, a path not taken.

Talat's critique extended beyond the issue of personnel to a broader pattern of constitutional violations concerning the military and security forces. He noted that "six paragraphs of Article Nine of the constitution concerning the military and security forces have been violated."

One of the most egregious of these violations, he explained, is the one that explicitly states that "no militia force outside of [state] authority shall enter this army." The reality, he said, has been the exact opposite.

"After that, dozens of militia forces were formed and entered the army," he stated, a reference to the powerful and often politically aligned militias of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) that have been formally integrated into the state's security structure, a move that many, including Talat, see as a grave threat to the state's monopoly on violence and the army's national, non-partisan character.

In light of this systemic and multi-faceted crisis, Talat issued a powerful and direct charge to the Kurdish political leadership as they prepare for the upcoming Iraqi parliamentary elections.

He stressed that the Kurdish representatives who are sent to Baghdad must be "insistent and have a unified voice and stance." Their primary mission, he argued, must be to "demand those posts that were previously designated and established for the Kurdistan Region."

He expressed his full confidence in the ability of the Kurdish people to fill these roles with distinction. "We have many very knowledgeable, expert, and capable people to manage these posts," he affirmed.

His call for a unified and forceful Kurdish bloc in Baghdad is a message that has been at the very heart of the Kurdistan Democratic Party's (KDP) current election campaign. Both President Masoud Barzani and KDP Vice President Masrour Barzani have framed the election as a critical battle to defend the Kurdistan Region's constitutional rights in the federal capital.

KDP Vice President Masrour Barzani, in a recent campaign speech in Duhok, described the party's candidates as "Peshmergas in that battle," who must fight to ensure the full implementation of the constitution. He argued that the persistent obstacles placed in the path of the Kurdistan Region are a direct result of not having a strong enough presence in Baghdad to defend the region's rights.

This struggle is not just about securing senior posts; it is about reclaiming the very spirit of the 2005 constitution, which envisioned a federal, pluralistic, and democratic Iraq.

The systematic reduction of the Kurdish presence in the national army is a powerful and dangerous symbol of the erosion of that vision. It is a tangible manifestation of a centralist and sectarian mindset that, as many in the Kurdistan Region believe, continues to dominate the corridors of power in Baghdad.

The assertions made by military expert Abdulkhaliq Talat reflect deep-seated grievances and a complex power struggle that has been unfolding in Iraq for years. The 2005 Iraqi Constitution, in Article 9, explicitly states that the "Iraqi armed forces and security services will be composed of the components of the Iraqi people with due consideration given to their balance and representation without discrimination or exclusion."

This provision was intended to create a truly national and inclusive military, breaking from the Sunni-dominated force of Saddam Hussein's era.

However, the reality on the ground has starkly diverged from this constitutional ideal. The rise of sectarian tensions, particularly during the civil war of 2006-2008, led to increasing mistrust and desertions along ethnic and religious lines within the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF).

A crucial element of the security landscape is the existence of the Kurdistan Region's own military force, the Peshmerga.

The Iraqi Constitution recognizes the Kurdistan Regional Government's (KRG) right to establish and organize its own internal security forces, granting the Peshmerga a legal and official status.

While constitutionally recognized, the Peshmerga's command structure remains separate from the federal military, creating a complex and often tense relationship between Erbil and Baghdad. This dynamic underscores the deep-seated mistrust and the desire of the Kurds to ensure their own protection, a sentiment rooted in a history of persecution by previous Iraqi regimes.

The tenure and subsequent removal of General Babakir Zebari as the Chief of Staff of the Iraqi Army is often cited as a turning point.

Zebari, who held the post from 2003 to 2015, was a respected figure whose departure was seen by many Kurds as a politically motivated decision that further marginalized them within the military leadership.

The failure to appoint a Kurdish successor to this key position has been interpreted as a clear signal of the diminishing role of Kurds in the national defense structure.

The security landscape in Iraq was further complicated by the emergence of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), or Hashd al-Shaabi, in 2014 to combat ISIS. While these forces engaged in the fight against the extremist group, the PMF is predominantly composed of Shiite militias, many with close ties to Iran. 

The formal integration of the PMF into the Iraqi state's security apparatus has been a source of significant controversy, with critics arguing that it has institutionalized sectarianism and given undue influence to armed groups outside of the traditional military structure, in apparent violation of the constitution.

The growing power of the PMF has been seen by many Kurds and Sunnis as further solidifying Shiite dominance over the state's security institutions, thereby exacerbating their sense of alienation.

The convergence of these factors has created a deeply fragmented and sectarianized security apparatus in Iraq. While the Kurds have their own formidable Peshmerga forces to protect the Kurdistan Region, the significant reduction of their presence within the federal Iraqi military is a source of profound concern.

It undermines the vision of a unified and inclusive Iraq and signals a retreat from the power-sharing agreements that were intended to hold the country together in the post-Saddam era.

The calls from Kurdish leaders for a unified voice in Baghdad to demand their constitutional rights are a direct response to this perceived systematic marginalization and a reflection of the high stakes involved in the ongoing struggle for the future of the Iraqi state.

As Abdulkhaliq Talat's stark and well-documented analysis makes clear, the battle for a truly national and inclusive Iraqi army is a battle for the very soul of the Iraqi state itself, a battle that the next generation of Kurdish parliamentarians must be prepared to fight with unity, determination, and an unwavering commitment to the constitution.