‘We Want Local Governance’: Abdi Lays Out Federalist Vision

By Kamaran Aziz

ERBIL (Kurdistan24) – In a sweeping and candid interview with Al-Monitor published on Saturday, General Mazloum Abdi, commander-in-chief of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), revealed key details of a landmark power-sharing agreement with Syria's transitional government and emphasized the growing momentum for Kurdish political unity and federalism.

Abdi also spoke of his "historic" meeting with President Masoud Barzani, during which President Barzani voiced strong support for preserving Kurdish gains in Syria and the SDF's integration with Damascus.

According to the Al-Monitor report, this is Abdi’s first interview since signing the historic March 10 accord with Syrian interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa. The agreement integrates Kurdish civilian and military structures into the Syrian state and, significantly, has coincided with a de-escalation of hostilities with Turkey. The interview, held at a military base in northeast Syria, reflects an evolving political landscape marked by compromise, pragmatism, and cautious optimism.

Abdi stated clearly, “We want local governance, and this is a subject of discussion with Damascus. Some Kurdish political parties may insist on federalism.” He added that a joint Kurdish delegation will be established to engage in talks with Damascus, aiming to formulate a unified political vision for the region.

Abdi highlighted the withdrawal of YPG forces from Aleppo’s Sheikh Maqsud neighborhood, describing it as a "very important step" that could serve as a precursor to a constitutional arrangement preserving local governance and internal security forces. While acknowledging the move’s significance, he stressed the need for constitutional guarantees: "Until this model is constitutionally guaranteed, it will remain precarious," he said, emphasizing ongoing talks with Damascus to codify autonomy within a national framework.

The general explained that the current arrangement in Sheikh Maqsud allows local Asayish forces to maintain order in cooperation with Syrian public security and ensures continuity of services such as schools and municipal institutions. "This is good for our people and for HTS’s image as well," he noted, referring to the normalization process in Aleppo.

Abdi also confirmed a pause in hostilities near the Tishreen Dam, where an agreement was reached with Damascus to maintain the dam's personnel and hand over SDF positions to government forces. Damascus will act as a buffer between the SDF and the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA) units.

A critical component in these shifts appears to be the resumption of dialogue between the Turkish government and imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan. Abdi praised this development and confirmed receipt of a letter from Ocalan urging cooperation within a Syrian framework. "I agree with leader Abdullah Ocalan that the time for armed struggle is over," he said.

On relations with Turkey, Abdi noted a softening in Ankara's tone since the March accord, with Turkey ceasing airstrikes and abandoning maximalist demands. "Terms like ‘terrorist’ are beginning to be dropped."

When asked about direct communication with Turkey, he replied that while communications exist, they are not direct. Still, recent developments hint at an emerging détente.

Another notable breakthrough was Abdi's "historic" meeting with Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) President Masoud Barzani. The two discussed Kurdish unity, and President Barzani expressed support for the SDF's integration efforts with Damascus, stressing the importance of preserving Kurdish gains.

Abdi recounted that President Barzani told him, “As the Kurdish people, we are going through a critical period." He emphasized the need to safeguard Kurdish achievements in Syria and offered his support in facilitating relations with Damascus.

"He was very warm and welcoming," Abdi added. "Let’s not forget that KDP peshmerga helped us to defend Kobani. We spoke of the past, about his father, Mullah Mustafa Barzani. What he wants above all is Kurdish unity."

Speaking on his March 10 meeting in Damascus, Abdi described a cordial reception by President Sharaa, refuting rumors of American presence. While U.S. forces facilitated logistics, they were not involved in the talks. However, Abdi acknowledged continued American support for stability and counter-ISIS operations.

Committees foreseen in the March agreement are beginning to form, with education emerging as a priority. Abdi stressed the urgency of ensuring recognition for diplomas issued by schools under the former autonomous administration.

Regarding the interim constitution announced by Damascus, Abdi expressed disappointment over the exclusion of Kurdish language rights and reaffirmed the need for a constitutional committee to safeguard democratic values and decentralization. "We don’t want administrative power to be concentrated solely in Damascus," he insisted.

He reaffirmed the SDF’s readiness to integrate into a unified national army while preserving its unique identity and operational experience in fighting ISIS. The Arab components of the SDF, he noted, remain committed to the force and are valued partners in its structure.

Abdi rejected claims that the agreement was driven by violence in the Alawite coastal region, asserting instead that the accord helped halt atrocities and facilitate humanitarian aid. He emphasized that the Alawite community remains an essential part of Syria’s future, adding, “It is crucial to distinguish between the Alawites, who are an indigenous sect in Syria, and the remnants of the Assad regime.”

While Turkey likely gave tacit approval to the deal, Abdi clarified that the terms were negotiated confidentially. He acknowledged speculation that Israeli pressure on Turkey may have influenced Ankara’s recalibration.

On the sensitive matter of Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa, Abdi confirmed that while Damascus desires greater control, this is not a current priority. The integration process, he explained, will see bureaucrats from both sides working across regions, and SDF officers could eventually hold posts in the Syrian General Staff.

Abdi said that the SDF and Damascus did not discuss Israel during their meetings, but emphasized the importance of peaceful and respectful relations with all neighbors, including Turkey.

Addressing Latakia’s recent violence, he said President Sharaa attributed the massacres to remnants of the Assad regime and pledged accountability. Abdi echoed this position, urging rigorous investigations.

The general affirmed that Damascus is keen on building ties with Washington, a development the SDF supports. The U.S., he noted, facilitated logistics for the Damascus meeting and remains crucial to counter-ISIS efforts. Abdi suggested that Damascus could begin repatriating Syrian nationals from al-Hol Camp, opening a path for future collaboration.

He acknowledged uncertainty regarding long-term U.S. presence in Syria, noting the Trump administration's silence but reiterating the SDF's desire for U.S. forces to remain, even in reduced numbers, given persistent ISIS threats and Israeli interests.

" In my view the conditions for a DAESH [ISIS] resurgence have grown during this period because of the security vacuum in the country," he warned, citing intelligence reports. He also cautioned that DAESH is exploiting HTS's evolving stance to attract new recruits. "The other risk for the government is that DAESH has begun to propagate the view that HTS has distanced itself from true Islam and that they have become apostates," Abdi said. "This can definitely help boost DAESH. Let us not forget there are thousands of foreign jihadists still roaming freely in certain areas of Syria who will potentially be drawn to DAESH."

On Russian military presence, Abdi said the Russians remain at Qamishlo airport and are not being asked to leave immediately. Sharaa, he explained, is open to continued cooperation if a new agreement is signed. Abdi suggested that re-equipping Syria’s army with Russian hardware remains likely, given longstanding defense ties.

Finally, Abdi confirmed that the Syrian Democratic Council represents the SDF in Damascus, while matters such as oil and airport re-openings will be handled by technical committees.

The interview signals a momentous shift in the region’s geopolitics, as the SDF moves closer to formal integration into the Syrian state, while regional actors cautiously recalibrate their positions.

This shift is echoed in broader Kurdish political circles. In a bold push for recognition and self-governance, Syria’s Kurds are preparing to demand federal status during future negotiations with the country’s transitional government, a move that could reshape the political future of Syria. The proposal, aimed at preserving over a decade of Kurdish self-rule in the country’s northeast, will be formally presented at a national dialogue conference in Qamishli later this month.

According to al-Monitor, Kurdish officials representing both the ruling Democratic Unity Party (PYD) and the opposition-aligned Kurdistan National Council (KNC) have agreed to unite behind a common vision of decentralization. The joint delegation will argue for a federal, pluralistic, and parliamentary system — a vision that stands in stark contrast to the centralized, religiously inflected governance model proposed by interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa.

Mohammed Ismail, head of the KNC, told al-Monitor that while Damascus is unlikely to accept federalism outright, there must at least be constitutional guarantees for Kurdish rights. “They probably won’t accept even an autonomous entity, but there needs to be something in a final Syrian constitution that guarantees Kurdish rights,” he said.

The Qamishli conference, expected to convene by the end of April, will also host U.S. State Department official Scott Bolz, French envoy Remy Drouin, and Hamid Darbandi of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). These external actors have played a pivotal role in forging unity between the PYD and KNC, whose historically antagonistic relationship had previously undermined Kurdish leverage in national talks.

The Kurdish platform includes recognition of the Kurdish language as Syria’s second official language, constitutional protection of Kurdish cultural and political rights, and the designation of Nowruz and International Women’s Day as national holidays. There are also calls to adopt a secular, inclusive national flag and to rename the country, moving away from the “Syrian Arab Republic” to something that better reflects its ethnic and religious diversity.

Badran Jia Kurd, a senior DAANES official, echoed these sentiments, asserting that local governance must include legislative and executive bodies as well as affiliated internal security forces. This stance, he noted, aligns the PYD more closely with the KNC’s traditional advocacy for federalism — a notable political shift.

Yet trust in Damascus remains low. “He [Sharaa] has not proved that he is a good partner,” Ismail said bluntly. Sharaa, a former commander of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an extremist group once affiliated with al-Qaeda, has so far shown little willingness to endorse decentralization. The draft constitution he unveiled last month granted him sweeping powers, enshrined Islamic law as the main source of legislation, and upheld Arabic as the sole official language — prompting an immediate rejection by DAANES officials.

Adding to Kurdish concerns is the influence wielded by Turkey over Sharaa’s government. Sharaa has held multiple meetings with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, most recently in Antalya, highlighting Ankara’s ongoing role in shaping Syrian affairs. Turkey’s fierce opposition to Kurdish autonomy in Syria — evidenced by three military invasions since 2016 and years of airstrikes — remains a looming threat.

However, a relative lull in Turkish military action in recent weeks has been attributed to renewed peace talks between Ankara and imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan. In a Feb. 27 message, Ocalan called for the PKK to abandon its armed campaign and organize a congress to dissolve itself. PKK commanders in Iraqi Kurdistan have expressed support and announced a unilateral ceasefire.

These developments have influenced Turkish-Kurdish dynamics inside Syria as well. Kamiran Haco, a senior KNC official, acknowledged that Ocalan’s peace overture has helped ease tensions and increase space for intra-Kurdish cooperation. Turkey’s meeting this week with members of the pro-Kurdish DEM party further signals Ankara’s cautious openness to political dialogue.

Still, Ankara continues to demand the withdrawal of non-Syrian PKK-affiliated fighters from northeast Syria — a red line that could jeopardize any Kurdish gains. “If the PKK fails to withdraw from here,” Ismail warned, “Turkey will continue to attack us.”

The Kurds remain realistic about the uphill battle ahead. As Ismail noted, even modest constitutional reforms would be a breakthrough in a system still shaped by sectarian violence and authoritarian legacies. Yet with foreign backing, political unity, and the de-escalation of external threats, Syria’s Kurds appear determined to press for a seat at the table — and a voice in the country's future.